LOUISVILLE – Once again, relations between the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) and American Jewish leaders have hit a rough spot – with criticism emerging of a not-yet-finished report on the Middle East that’s headed to next summer’s General Assembly.
The Simon Wiesenthal Center, a human rights organization, posted an alert to supporters on Feb. 22, with the headline: “Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) Ready to Declare War Against Israel: Take Action Now.”
The alert, regarding a report that’s not completed yet from a General Assembly Middle East study group, states that “adoption of this poisonous document by the Presbyterian Church will be nothing short of a declaration of war on Israel and her supporters.”
Following that, top Presbyterian leaders – in Louisville this week for a series of meetings – were flooded by more than 2,700 e-mails of protest, according to Sharon Youngs, communications director for the Office of the General Assembly. The Wiesenthal Center posting included a link people could use to send a pre-written e-mail to Gradye Parsons, the PC(USA)’s stated clerk; Bruce Reyes-Chow, moderator of the 218th General Assembly; and Linda Valentine, executive director of the General Assembly Mission Council.
At the assembly, based on indications so far, “there will be a huge amount of outside press” covering the Middle East issues, Tom Hay, director of operations for the Office of the General Assembly, told a joint meeting of the Committee on the Office of the General Assembly and the General Assembly Mission Council’s Executive Committee on Feb. 23.
The e-mail from the Wiesenthal Center describes the Middle East study group – whose members were appointed by Reyes-Chow and the two General Assembly moderators who preceded him – as being “dominated by activists openly hostile to Israel. They are poised to place the policy of the PC(USA) on a collision course with Israel’s survival.”
In response to the Wiesenthal Center’s posting, Parsons issued a statement on Feb. 23 regarding the work of the Middle East study group. That statement quotes both from previous General Assembly policy statements regarding Israel, and from the draft of an introductory letter the study group wrote to the American Jewish community – one of a series of introductory letters, each one addressed to a particular audience.
That letter includes this passage:
“We want to be sure to say to you in no uncertain terms: We support the existence of Israel as a sovereign nation within secure and recognized borders. No `but,’ no `let’s get this out of the way so we can say what we really want to say.’ We support Israel’s existence as granted by the U.N. General Assembly. We support Israel’s existence as a home for the Jewish people. We have said this before, and we say this again. We say it because we believe it; we say it because we want it to continue to be true.”
The 2008 General Assembly created the Middle East study group – which traveled as a group to the Middle East last summer, held its final meeting in late January, and is required to have its report complete by March 5. As the Outlook reported then, the study group approved 30 recommendations at its meeting Jan. 29-30 – but still had work to do, including writing an additional section of historical analysis.
Those recommendations range from asking that the two years from 2010 to 2012 be “a time of Presbyterian prayer and action for the Middle East” to one calling on the United States government “to repent of its sinful behavior throughout the Middle East, including its ongoing war in Iraq, its undermining of democratic processes in Iran and the Palestinian National Authority, its continuing support of non-democratic regimes, and its acquiescence to the ongoing Israeli Occupation.”
While the Wiesenthal Center criticism is focused on the study group’s work, the General Assembly Mission Council also will be discussing this week three other key reports involving Israel and the Middle East that also will be coming to the General Assembly in July.
The council’s Discipleship Committee will be considering two theological reports – one called “Christian and Jews: People of God,” and a second report called “Toward an Understanding of Christian-Muslim Relations.” Another issue likely to catch some attention is a recommendation from the denomination’s Mission Responsibility Through Investment committee that the assembly denounce Caterpillar. Inc., because the corporation is making a profit from products it sells and which are being used for “non-peaceful” purposes in Israel-Palestine. That recommendation follows four years of attempts by MRTI to engage Caterpillar in conversation about the business it conducts in the Middle East.
Trackback(0)
 |
I am now saddened. It seems as if dialogue has turned to stone throwing again. Anyway, here we go:
*Moral Dysplasia- You say "If you are unable to see the distinction between a Hamas member and a two-year child, and are unwilling to assign them different values depending on their level of innocence, you are suffering from a profound case of moral dysplasia."
If you would read my post more closely, I make no such claim. What I say is that I am suspicious of the doctrine of moral equivalence when employed by governments in defense of sovereignty. The issue at stake in what I said is that governments make "sovereignty" a highest good, to which many grievous acts can be committed in defense of said state. To use your example (turned a bit to my advantage), Israel might state that a military action resulting in the death of the 2 year old you mentioned so as to get at the Hamas member is not morally equivalent to the mortar attack that sparked the military response. Their defense, so as to not be morally equivalent, is national sovereignty and the defense of borders.
I disagree with this logic. Sovereignty, while important, is not a highest moral good. Instead, defense of life, to which (and this relates to another element of my post about just war theory) the doctrine of proportionality applies, is the highest good. What I mean here is that while we certainly want to defend borders, if the action needed to defend those borders requires a disproportionate response in lives, then the defense of those borders is not justified. To bring the point home: is the defense of Israel worth every single Jewish citizen's life? Every Palestinian life? Of course not! Reason: if it cost everyone's life, then there would be no nation afterward, or if there were, it would be a barbarous confederacy that would earn the world’s ire. Therefore, the use of violence by both Palestinians and Israelis needs to be reevaluated in this light, and the cost in human lives for the sake of borders needs to be addressed.
With this being said, I find it hard to believe that you would even use Cast Lead as your example of proportional response or sovereign defense. Please explain to me how targeting hospitals and primary care facilities, farms, water sources, electrical infrastructure, and several schools even comes close to a good outcome in terms of proportionality. Furthermore, on the first day of bombing in Cast Lead, nearly 1,000 civilians were either killed or seriously injured. Additionally, the bombings started at nearly the very same time Palestinian children were leaving school. So, I ask you again, how can you site an operation that, on its first day, resulted in the largest one day casualty count in 60 years?
Now, with that behind us, you are right. After that opening sortie by IDF, it does seem that many steps and measures were taken to protect civilian lives. Why the disparity between the two phases? Who knows?
Well, actually, I have an idea. As a military strategy, it was something akin to “Shock and Awe” in which an overwhelming amount of force was used in the shortest possible time to stun the opposition into a quick withdrawal. To that end, maybe that use of overwhelming force possibly saved more civilian lives than it cost in the long run; we will never know. It did, however, cost the Palestinian people dearly and even further destroyed what little infrastructure they had. However, this only highlights the fact that force should be avoided at most costs because it can cost more in its execution than it seeks to defend.
Oh, and by the way, Israel violated the cease-fire agreement which led to this whole debacle… Call it a “pinpoint” incursion all you want, I would think that Israel would want to pursue other avenues than using a unilateral action during a “tinderbox” political situation. Also, as a pre-emptive rebuttal, I certainly condemn the mortar attacks Hamas used in retaliation for the incursion. In the end, again, military action can create more problems than it solves.
Also, in defense of my argument that the deaths in this conflict are carried disproportionately by Palestinians, I would point out that in the entire affair leading up to Cast Lead, there were no Israeli casualties (I do mourn the maiming of an Israeli child in one of the attacks), in comparison to 19 Palestinians (three civilian, one child), who, arguably members of the PA security forces, cannot be classified as “thugs” or “terrorists.”
So, as for the “fourth D” of deception, I would hope that that consideration could be dropped. If not, then I guess we shall never agree…
*You know as well as I do that the Palestinian Authority is a interim government that has made great strides towards reform while also having an internal struggle for control between Fatah and Hamas. Therefore, to label the entire government as “murderous thugs” does not set forth any sharp/crisp distinctions present in the current political dynamic. In the end, there has been a great deal of reform within the government, led by Mr. Abbas (though Fatah, seems to be moderately stable), and if you want to label Salam Fayyad as a terrorist thug, then be my guest (you will lose all credibility at that point, unless you think the World Bank is a terrorist organization).
In fact, in leaving the negotiating table, Israel seems to be suffering from this same dullness in distinctions. While I understand the principle involved, refusal to negotiate with a government that is attempting to continue to reform is not very helpful. In this case, maybe the United States’ situation in Afghanistan might give you a concrete example. There, our former enemies are, bit by bit, being brought to the negotiating table so as to actually further the cause of peace there, while also creating mortal rifts within the Taliban itself. This is led, again, by being able to make distinctions, something that Israel does not seem to want to do (especially under the current leadership of the Likud coalition).
*As I suggested in the earlier post, there are reasons for the emphasis on Israel. If you do not accept those reasons as valid, that is your right. For my part, they are reason enough. This is not a double standard. It is a matter of priorities. While China, Iran, and others are certainly guilty of detestable crimes, I and other Presbyterians feel compelled to reflect and speak on the situation in Israel and the West Bank and Gaza because it is the lead “domino” in a geo-political quagmire that has embroiled the world.
Again, Presbyterian reflection on this situation is not the problem. The problem lies in the fact that no wants to be held morally liable for all the bloodshed that has taken place. To this end, I direct you towards the closing lines of my first post:” Instead, while violence might be necessary for the sake of defense, we should all mourn it, confess it, and own it for what it is: human sin. Israel, at times, has failed. Palestinians, at times, have failed. The United States, at times, has failed. We are all guilty.”
In love,
Rev. Samuel Weddington